Ito Masatoshi (Assistant Professor, Department of International Liberal Arts, Nihon University College of International Relations)
Introduction
The term Japanese-Indonesians refers to the former Japanese soldiers dispatched to various locations in Indonesia during the Pacific War who remained there for various reasons, including their own preference, after the war ended, took part in the Indonesian War of Independence, and chose to stay after independence as well (first-generation Japanese-Indonesians),[1] and to their descendants (second and successive generations).[2]
Elsewhere, orang Jepang is the Indonesian word for Japanese people.[3] As used in this paper, however, it refers not to its literal meaning of Japanese in general but to first-generation Japanese-Indonesians.[4]
The objective of this paper is to examine how first-generation Japanese-Indonesians in North Sumatra Province came to be viewed as orang Jepang in varyingly multiethnic contexts, with a focus on the process of their categorization as Jepang by other ethnicities.
After World War II, first-generation Japanese-Indonesians originating from former Japanese soldiers became involved in the Indonesian War of Independence (August 1945 to December 1949) by joining the Indonesian Army or unofficial militias, repairing or manufacturing weapons, providing military training to local residents, and so on. To this day, little is known about their diverse contributions to Indonesian independence.
Furthermore, first-generation Japanese-Indonesians who married Indonesian women were compelled by their situations to assimilate into the local culture and society, so that their children and subsequent descendants have retained almost no culture or customs that could be objectively called Japanese or Japanese-descended. Very little, in fact, was passed on to the second generation at all.[5] In addition, there are fewer than 27,000 second- through fourth-generation Japanese-Indonesians, not even 0.01% of Indonesia’s total population of 270 million. And because Japanese-Indonesians are not considered a specific ethnic group, their numbers are not included in census data. They have little cultural, social, or historical recognition within Indonesia.
Even so, Japanese-Indonesians still exist. One second-generation Japanese-Indonesian produced a photo of his father, pointing to the badge at his collar and saying proudly “That’s the Indonesian National Army badge.” Another stayed up late to cheer for the Japan team in the soccer World Cup, weeping with frustration when Japan lost. Yet another spent the day after the Great East Japan Earthquake visiting friends and acquaintances to raise funds, with eyes still puffy. Why do they react this way? The reason is simple. They are Japanese-Indonesians.
What, then, leads the Japanese-Indonesians of Sumatra to consider this their own identity? That is, what is the fundamental basis of their Japanese-Indonesian consciousness (their Japanese-Indonesian identity or ethnicity)? This can be explained by their shared historical memory of fathers or grandfathers who remained in Indonesia and contributed to its independence, and to the pride (rasa bangga) derived therefrom. As well, the shared hometown awareness, the influence of the first generation within the household, and the contact with Japanese culture through work in Japan from 1990 have intertwined in complex ways to create a second and third generation who assert themselves and behave as Japanese-Indonesians.[6]
As noted above, the author has heretofore conducted investigative research from multiple angles in order to elucidate who and what today’s Japanese-Indonesians are. This paper, which focuses on first-generation Japanese-Indonesians and on their categorization by others as “Jepang,” is a further attempt to clarify the author’s inquiries.
The content of this paper is based on the outcomes of discontinuous ethnological fieldwork by the author between September 2008 and September 2018, in particular long-term work from April 2010 through March 2011. It focuses on the branch of Fukushi Tomo no Kai in Medan, the capital of North Sumatra Province.
1. Background and previous research
1.1. Perspective of this paper
Maeyama Takashi, the renowned scholar of Japanese-Brazilians, notes that Japanese migrants to Brazil became “Japanese” at their destinations.[7] Within the framework of the multiethnic state of Brazil, Japanese migrants—that is, Japanese-Brazilians—had a contrasting awareness of the mainstream local culture and their own, for example Japanese food versus Brazilian food or Japanese schools versus Brazilian schools.[8] As well, the vast majority of Japanese migrants mingled with other laborers of Italian, German, and Spanish backgrounds, among others, on the coffee plantations where they began life in Brazil. In this context, they were called Japonês by those around them and treated as Japanese. Thus, they found themselves becoming more and more Japanese.[9] In short, the first-generation Japanese-Brazilians, living in a multiethnic context, became aware of the previously self-evident “Japan” through the above-mentioned work, coming to recognize themselves as “Japanese” in a different dimension from before.
Naturally, the backgrounds and contexts of multiethnicity in Brazil and Indonesia are entirely different, as are the historical backgrounds, numbers, and sociocultural contexts of the first-generation Japanese residents in the two countries. However, to rely on Maeyama’s perspective, first-generation Japanese-Indonesians who were once Japanese soldiers had also been unable to become “ethnic Japanese” or orang Jepang while still in Japan.
1.2. Positioning of this paper with respect to previous research
Considerable research in the fields of history, cultural anthropology, and sociology has so far addressed first-generation Japanese-Indonesians and their spouses, as well as Fukushi Tomo no Kai,[10] the mutual aid organization established in 1979 for first-generation Japanese-Indonesians.[11] In particular, Hayashi’s long-term, thorough interviews of first-generation Japanese-Indonesians throughout Java, based on abundant textual materials, constitute a significant contribution to research on Japanese-Indonesians.
However, there is something of a geographical bias in prior research. Although many Japanese-Indonesians reside in Medan, North Sumatra, and its environs, researchers other than Ito and Yoshida have focused on the Japanese-Indonesians and Fukushi Tomo no Kai in Java, or the association’s Jakarta headquarters. Therefore, as ethnological research on first-generation Japanese-Indonesians in Sumatra, this paper should be able to contribute to the notably insufficient quantity of research concerning Sumatra in this context.
Furthermore, the author has written various papers on first-generation Japanese-Indonesians in Sumatra which relate to this one. For example, the author has clarified the friendships of first-generation Japanese-Indonesians living in and around Medan, the capital of North Sumatra Province, and shown that the relationships cultivated by the first generation continue in the present day among the second and third generations.[12] As well, the process through which Japanese-Indonesians concentrated in Medan has been clarified, showing the movements of the first generation from landfall on Sumatra through Japan’s defeat, the War of Independence, and the Indonesian postwar.[13]
In contrast, Yoshida has reported on how first-generation Japanese-Indonesians lived within different cultural contexts (languages used at home, meals, religious conversions, occupations, personal and cultural exchange with Japan, etc.), based on interviews with 13 of their spouses and families in North Sumatra Province.[14] As this study shows, the spouses of first-generation Japanese-Indonesians were ethnically diverse. Also, while intercultural marriages are a form of cultural exchange in and of themselves, the study focuses mainly on intercultural contact within the household.
Thus, prior research on first-generation Japanese-Indonesians in Sumatra has not been positioned in the context of a multiethnic society. In contrast, this paper sets out to elucidate the contact of orang Jepang individuals and groups with other ethnicities in Indonesian society beyond the framework of the household, as well as the results of their mutual interactions.
1.3. Locality and multiethnicity in the target region
Locality
This section discusses locality in Medan, North Sumatra, as the background of the study. From the mid-1970s, when first-generation Japanese-Indonesians throughout the country set out to establish Fukushi Tomo no Kai, those remaining in each area tended to call one another the “Sumatra group” and “Java group.” Because the vast majority of the remaining Japanese were in Java and Sumatra, there is no equivalent use of terms such as “Bali group” or “Sulawesi group.”
It is estimated that Sumatra and Java had approximately 150 first-generation Japanese-Indonesians each. The difference between the two is that Japanese-Indonesians tended to concentrate in specific areas in Sumatra and remained scattered in Java. Medan in North Sumatra Province has been the largest residential cluster of Japanese-Indonesians since the first generation, with about 3,000 second- through fifth-generation Japanese-Indonesians now residing in Medan City and its environs.[15] Thus, North Sumatra Province and Medan in particular enable the study of Japanese-Indonesians both as a group and on an individual basis.
Multiethnicity
Below is a discussion of the multiethnicity of the target region and the ethnicity of the Japanese-Indonesians’ spouse. This is intended to show in what degrees of multiethnicity first-generation Japanese-Indonesians were categorized as ~Jepang.
As stated above, Medan has been an area with a high concentration of Japanese-Indonesians ever since the first generation. For this reason, the ethnic ratios of Medan at the time of the first generation are shown here. As of 1960, Medan’s ethnic breakdown was 46.2% Javanese, 13.5% Minangkabau, 13.1% Malay, 11.36% Mandailing Batak, 2.9% Sundanese, 2.7% Betawi, 2% Toba Batak, and 3.8% other Batak, etc.[16]
As of 1981, it was 29.4% Javanese, 14.1% Toba Batak, 12.8% Chinese-Indonesian, 11.9% Mandailing Batak, 10.9% Minangkabau, 8.6% Malay, 4% Karo Batak, and 2% Acehnese, as well as fewer than 2% Sundanese, Simalungun, etc.[17]
The ethnic breakdown of the multiethnic nation of Indonesia as a whole indicates that depending on the province, regency, or city, some areas are dominated by a given ethnicity at rates of 70 to 90% or 50 to 60%, while others have no dominant ethnic group. Medan, with its many Japanese-Indonesian residents, (as North Sumatra Province in general[18]) belongs to the latter category, with no single dominant ethnic group or mainstream culture.
Ethnicities of the spouses of first-generation Japanese-Indonesians
Some first-generation Japanese-Indonesians married Indonesian women during Japanese military occupation (March 1942 to August 1945) or the War of Independence, and most did so after independence. Below are the numbers and ethnicities of the spouses of 105 first-generation Japanese-Indonesians in North Sumatra and Aceh Provinces, Sumatra.
Of the 123 wives of 105 first-generation Japanese-Indonesians, 52 were Javanese, 30 Chinese-Indonesian, 14 Mandailing Batak, 8 Acehnese, 4 Manado, 3 Malay, 2 Karo Batak, 2 Minangkabau, and one each Ambonese, Gayo, Korean, Sundanese, Tamil, Nias, Betawi, and Banjarese. The difference in numbers between the Japanese-Indonesians and their wives is due to the fact that 15 of the former had two wives and one had four (see Table 1).
Within the Japanese-Indonesian community as well, there are diverse ethnicities depending on the origin of the mothers. Thus, the group of Japanese-Indonesians exists within the multiethnic society of Indonesia, and in turn contains multiple ethnicities itself.
| Ethnicity | Number | |
| 1 | Javanese | 52 |
| 2 | Chinese | 30 |
| 3 | Mandailing/Batak | 14 |
| 4 | Acehnese | 8 |
| 5 | Manado | 4 |
| 6 | Malay | 3 |
| 7 | Karo Batak | 2 |
| 8 | Banjarese | 2 |
| 9 | Minangkabau | 1 |
| 10 | Ambonese | 1 |
| 11 | Gayo | 1 |
| 12 | Korean | 1 |
| 13 | Sundanese | 1 |
| 14 | Tamil | 1 |
| 15 | Nias | 1 |
| 16 | Betawi | 1 |
| Total | 123 |
Source: Based on the author’s fieldwork in Medan from April 2010 to March 2011
2. Doktor Jepang
Notable among the occupations of first-generation Japanese-Indonesians was the large number of medical practitioners or Doktor Jepang (formally called “mantri kesehatan doktor Jepang,” or “Doktor Jepang” for short, in Bahasa Indonesia).[19] Documents suggest that as many as a third of the 100 or so former Japanese soldiers in the Aceh area acted as Doktor Jepang.[20]
2.1. Before Indonesian independence
The Japanese literary scholar Hagitani Boku (1917–2009) entered Indonesia from the Port of Belawan, Medan, North Sumatra Province in May 1943 as a member of the Imperial Guard. He served in field hospitals and warehouses in Kabanjahe and Siantar in North Sumatra, as well as Lhokseumawe and Perlak; he safely returned to Japan after the war. Hagitani’s memoirs record his experience of providing medical care to the Acehnese in wartime as a kind of assistant Doktor Jepang.
For part of 1944, he supervised production of wall materials at a field warehouse in Kuala Simpang, Aceh Province. The morning after arriving on site, he found only four workers at the workplace; the foreman told him that many workers were absent due to illness. From the following day, he decided to pay visits to the sick absentees.
The first worker was suffering from tropical ulcers. Hagitani had been carrying Therapol pills in case of tonsillitis, etc.; he crushed five pills in the palm of his hand, spread the powder on the ulcerated area, and bandaged it. Next, he divided the 30 quinine pills he had among two other workers suffering from malaria. A few days later, he found himself surrounded by dozens of villagers on his way home from work. He was afraid that the bold Acehnese were protesting the presence of the Japanese army, but in fact they wanted him to cure them too. The whole village had heard about his treatments, including the district chief.[21]
Hagitani was not a medical officer or combat medic, he had just happened to be carrying around medicine for his own use, which he used up giving the workers quinine. Therefore, he had no way of satisfying the ailing villagers’ demands. He describes his feelings at the time thus: “Even if I’d had any sulfa drugs left, the most I could do was help out the people working in the field warehouse; there was no way I could have taken care of all the sick people in the village. My good intentions seemed to have turned to sin, giving false hopes to so many people. The one-day wonder quack could only retreat with his tail between his legs. If only I could have brought a couple of trunks of new medicine and treated all the sick people everywhere.”[22]
Continuing, we have Hasegawa Toyoki (born 1917), who provided medical care in Kisaran, North Sumatra Province, during the Indonesian War of Independence. Having returned home to Japan via Thailand, he wrote Homeless in Sumatra: An MP on the Run in 1982. Hasegawa, who fell in with a Chinese-Indonesian woman during the War of Independence, had her buy a bicycle and a medicine basket, and purchased medicines and so on at close to cost with the cooperation of the locals. Hasegawa, who apparently knew no more about medicine than the combat first aid taught in the army at the time, describes his time as a Doktor Jepang thus: “It wasn’t that the smooth-talking quack’s prescriptions cured anything, just that the medicinal effects on the local people, who had never experienced medicine, were amazing.”[23]
As in the case of Hagitani, the trust he earned from his patients and his reputation that spread from person to person, village to village, derived simply from his medicine for malaria and tropical ulcers and the creosote left by the Japanese army. Given the others also providing medical care to Indonesians, the existence of Doktor Jepang may have been well known not only among the local people but also among the former Japanese soldiers before Indonesian independence in 1950.
2.2. After Indonesian independence
From descendants as well as non-Japanese Indonesians familiar with first-generation Japanese-Indonesians, the author has confirmed the existence of clinics run by Doktor Jepang and first-generation Japanese Indonesians making a living as medicine sellers from the 1950s, after Indonesian independence, in Langsa and Lhokseumawe in Aceh as well as Medan, Asahan, Kisaran, Kotanopan, Batang Kuis, Tebing Tinggi, and Binjai in North Sumatra.[24]
Doktor Jepang, who practiced medicine without official licenses, apparently called each other quacks in Japanese. However, they probably improved their medical skills as they performed their duties. Still, they were the ones who accepted fruits and vegetables from patients in poverty in lieu of medical fees, and rushed to see to troubled villagers at any time of day or night.
They were treasured by local residents for other reasons as well. In addition to being Japanese hailing from faraway lands, these orang Jepang were usually able to cure the ills they treated. Furthermore, there were no pusat kesehatan masyarakat (shortened to puskesmas) local clinics at the time, and the hospitals built in the Dutch colonial era were geographically distant for people living in the countryside. In this way, we see that the Doktor Jepang were indispensable in regional society.
3. Rumah Jepang (Houses of the Japanese)
Rumah means “house” in Bahasa Indonesia. Rumah Jepang, literally translated, means “Japanese house.” While the word orang, meaning “person,” is omitted, the meaning is understood to be “a house where Japanese people live”.
3.1. Visiting rumah Jepang
During fieldwork in Medan, the capital of North Sumatra Province, for a month each in 2008 and 2009, I was able to accompany clerks from the Medan branch of Fukushi Tomo no Kai on visits to the homes of Japanese-Indonesians who also frequented the Medan branch themselves. During fieldwork conducted from April 2010 through March 2011, I largely visited Japanese-Indonesians’ homes alone by motorcycle. Below is an event from June 2, 2010, about five months into my fieldwork. This was the day of my first encounter with the words rumah Jepang.
I was visiting the residence of Irwan,[25] a third-generation Japanese-Indonesian. Before the visit, I had received a text via smartphone in Bahasa Indonesia, to the effect that “if you can’t find my house when you come, ask a neighbor where the rumah Jepang is.”
I approached Irwan’s neighborhood without being able to locate his house. The area was lined with houses surrounded by white walls, often without house numbers or names. In addition, it was after dark due to his work schedule, and while still within Medan, a considerable distance from my own lodgings, in a district new to me, making me slightly nervous. I stopped an Indonesian passerby who seemed to be a local resident and told him “I’m looking for Irwan’s house. Could you tell me where the rumah Jepang is?”. “Oh, the rumah Jepang, sure,” he said, and explained carefully how I might find it.[26] I discovered afterward that Irwan’s family had lived there since the first generation in Indonesia, so that the house was known as the rumah Jepang.
3.2. Scope of awareness from others
For some time after the above episode, I noticed that if I could not find the house of the Japanese-Indonesians I was visiting, I could ask passersby where it was by using the term rumah Jepang. As well, I sometimes asked Japanese-Indonesians whether their houses were known as rumah Jepang to their neighbors.
I found that in high-density areas like central Medan, Japanese-Indonesians were known to the surrounding households and the people on the same block, sometimes to the residents of neighboring streets. In the suburbs of Medan, they were called Jepang and known as such by the residents of a wider area. In addition, although Japanese-Indonesians with both Japanese (first-generation) and Chinese ancestry may live in Chinese or Chinese-dominated districts as part of the Chinese-Indonesian community, their houses remain known as rumah Jepang over generations.
Elsewhere, in Medan’s neighboring town of Batang Kuis, there has been only one Japanese-Indonesian family since the late 1960s. Rudi, a first-generation Japanese-Indonesian, was apparently much valued by the townspeople as a Doktor Jepang. Today, Rudi’s son Hartono, a second-generation Japanese-Indonesian, his wife, and their grandchildren (fourth-generation) still live in the same place in Batang Kuis, called rumah Jepang since the first generation. The use of the term ~Jepang by neighbors is interesting as well: the second-generation Hartono’s nickname is Jepang.
It is not clear how many residents of Batang Kuis considered the first-generation Rudi and his family to be Jepang while Rudi was alive, but this awareness seems to have been considerably widespread. The situation is thought to be similar in other areas of North Sumatra Province such as Kisaran and Tebing Tinggi, as well as in Lhokseumawe in Aceh Province, and more.
4. Orang Jepang
4.1. Names used for first-generation Japanese-Indonesians
In Indonesia, just as, for example, the Minangkabau, whose homeland is in West Sumatra Province, are at the same time orang Indonesia and orang Minangkabau, first-generation Japanese-Indonesians were simultaneously orang Indonesia and orang Jepang. In other words, while everyone in Indonesia retains a sense of the ethnicity they belong to and is perceived as belonging to that background by others, they simultaneously possess a sense of nationality as orang Indonesia (Indonesians) in their lives.
To reiterate, the people we call first-generation Japanese-Indonesians were orang Jepang in the local context. The past tense is used here because the first generation is no longer alive, and the second and successive generations do not consider themselves orang Jepang, nor do non-Japanese Indonesians use this term to define them. However, in the context of school or the workplace, second- and third-generation Japanese-Indonesians may be categorized as orang Jepang and referred to thus, and some Japanese-Indonesians do consider themselves orang Jepang.
Most second-generation Japanese-Indonesians are categorized by non-Japanese locals as Japanese-Indonesian, not orang Jepang. When asked by those around them about their origins, the second- and third-generation Japanese-Indonesians explain that their fathers or grandfathers were orang Jepang. However, they fundamentally identify as Japanese-Indonesian and present themselves to others as such (keturunan Jepangor orang keturunan Jepang). With close acquaintances and friends, depending on the context, they may use warga kami or warga kita, meaning “our people, our family.”
4.2. Orang Jepang in others’ eyes
However, how did non-Japanese Indonesians perceive the orang Jepang? Indonesians seem to have thought well of first-generation Japanese-Indonesians, including both Doktor Jepang and others, for their skill, honesty, and conscientiousness. Their “typically Japanese” politeness, punctuality, and care for their work were arguably appreciated by locals.
For example, according to the third-generation Japanese Indonesian Amin, his grandfather was a model citizen as far as local residents were concerned, based both on his straightforwardly honest personality and his devout practice of Islam; their neighbors came to him for advice when in trouble. Amin’s grandfather’s lumber company and rice refining plant were also trusted by others in the industry due to their advanced technology and his passion for the work.[27] Elsewhere, the second-generation Japanese-Indonesian Aisyah recounts that her father, a Japanese who devoted himself to Indonesian independence as a member of the Indonesian National Army, was much respected by his neighbors.[28]
Thus, others’ views of orang Jepang were based on the characters of first-generation Japanese-Indonesians, as well as their contributions to Indonesian independence. Some received greater respect the further into the countryside they went, based solely on the medals for heroism received from the Indonesian government.[29]
Conclusion
This paper has clarified the fact that in the multiethnic society of Medan, first-generation Japanese-Indonesians were not only called orang Jepang and categorized thus by other Indonesians, but also referred to as Doktor Jepang or rumah Jepang. While the paper has not touched on these points, shopkeepers were also called toko Jepang and mechanics, who earned their living repairing cars and motorcycles, bengkel Jepang.
It was not through the intent of first-generation Japanese-Indonesians themselves, but through the multicultural and multiethnic context that they became, if not a distinct ethnic group, a category known as orang Jepang. In addition, first-generation Japanese-Indonesians did not refer to one another as orang Jepang among each other. The individual or group orang Jepang existed only through interaction with non-Japanese Indonesians.
It is entirely natural that first-generation Japanese-Indonesians, who had come from Japan, were categorized as Jepang by those around them in local society and considered rarities based on their low numbers. However, the categorization as Jepang of first-generation Japanese-Indonesians by others was very useful in elucidating their awareness of their Japanese ethnicity. It served as an opportunity for them to begin perceiving themselves and behaving as orang Jepang, further reinforcing their awareness of themselves as Japanese during interaction with other ethnicities. Going forward, I intend to continue exploring the question of who and what Japanese-Indonesians are.
Notes
[1] In December 2010, a first-generation Japanese-Indonesian died in a Medan City hospital in Sumatra. Since the August 2014 death of Ono Sakari, the last of his generation, no first-generation Japanese-Indonesians survive in Java.
[2] Japanese-Indonesians can be roughly divided into those originating from former Japanese soldiers and those from Okinawan fishers. The latter, also called Japanese Minahasans, live clustered in Manado, North Sulawesi Province, Sulawesi, and its environs. This paper is concerned with the former group.
[3] In Indonesian, orang means “person,” and Jepangmeans “Japan,” so orang Jepang means “Japanese person.”
[4] This paper uses various terms depending on the context, including “former Japanese soldiers,” “first-generation Japanese-Indonesians,” and “orang Jepang.”
[5] Ito Masatoshi, Nikkei Indonesia-jin no ethnicity keisei to Nihon dekasegi: Nikkei identity no keisho to hen’yo no kosatsu (Ethnicity formation and work in Japan among Japanese-Indonesians: A study of the transmission and transformation of Japanese-descended identity), Nihon University Graduate School of International Relations AY 2011 doctoral thesis, 2012.
[6] Ibid.
[7] Maeyama Takashi, Ethnicity to Brazil Nikkeijin (Ethnicity and Japanese-Brazilians), Ochanomizu Shobo, 1996, p. 206.
[8] Ibid., p. 207.
[9] Maeyama Takashi, Ibunka sesshoku to identity: Brazil shakai to Nikkei (Contact with other cultures and identity: Brazilian society and Japanese-Brazilians), Ochanomizu Shobo, 2001, p. 76.
[10] Fukushi Tomo no Kai (Yayasan Warga Persahabatan or YWP in Bahasa Indonesia) is a nationwide association of Japanese-Indonesians founded in 1979 to further mutual support and connection among first-generation Japanese-Indonesians. It is headquartered in Jakarta, with branches in Surabaya and Medan. Japanese-Indonesians call it Yayasan or YWP.
[11] Examples include: Akino Koji, “Nikkei Indonesia-jin no kiseki: Life history ni kansuru chosa hokoku” (The trajectories of Japanese-Indonesians: A study report on life history) in Shakai Kagaku Journal (The Journal of Social Science) Vol. 26 No. 2, 1988, pp. 101–112; Ito Masatoshi, “Koyu kankei ni miru Nikkei Indonesia-jin shakai no keisei katei: Nikkei identity ni kansuru ichikosatsu” (The formation of Japanese-Indonesian society as seen in friendship relations: A study of Nikkei identity) in Imin Kenkyu Nenpo (Annual Review of Migration Studies) Vol. 21, 2013, pp. 107–118; Goto Ken’ichi, Moto-Nihonhei Kumpul Otsudo (1918–2000-nen) to sengo Indonesia” (Former Japanese soldier Kumpul Otsudo (1918–2000) and postwar Indonesia) in Waseda University Graduate School of Asia-Pacific Studies Asia Taiheiyo Tokyu (Journal of Asia-Pacific Studies) Vol. 4, 2002, pp. 49–63; Hayashi Eiichi, Zanryu Nihonhei no shinjitsu: Indonesia dokuritsu senso wo tatakatta otoko-tachi no kiroku (The truth about remaining Japanese soldiers: Records of the men who fought the Indonesian War of Independence), Sakuhinsha, 2007; Hayashi, Tobu Java no Nihonjin butai: Indonesia zanryuhei wo hikiita sannin no otoko (East Java Japanese troops: The three men who led remaining soldiers in Indonesia), Sakuhinsha, 2009; Hayashi, Kogun heishi to Indonesia dokuritsu senso: Aru zanryu Nihonjin no shogai (Imperial Japanese soldiers and the Indonesian War of Independence: The life of a Japanese who stayed behind), Yoshikawa Kobunkan, 2011; Purnamawati, “Indonesia ni okeru zanryu moto-Nihon hei no sengoshi: Zanryu Nihonjin dantai ‘Fukushi Tomo no Kai’ no bunseki wo chushin to shite” (A post-war history of former Japanese soldiers in Indonesia: An analysis focusing mainly on ‘Fukushi Tomo no Kai’，a welfare association for the Japanese group), in Chiiki Seisaku Kagaku Kenkyu (Journal of Doctoral Studies in Social Sciences) Vol. 7, 2010, pp. 197–218.
[12] Ito Masatoshi, “Koyu kankei ni miru Nikkei Indonesia-jin shakai no keisei katei: Nikkei identity ni kansuru ichikosatsu” (The formation of Japanese-Indonesian society as seen in friendship relations: A study of Nikkei identity) in Imin Kenkyu Nenpo (Annual Review of Migration Studies) Vol. 21, 2013, pp. 107–118.
[13] Ito Masatoshi, “Nikkei Indonesia-jin issei no Kita Sumatra-shu Medan e no shuju katei (The gathering of first-generation Japanese-Indonesians in Medan, North Sumatra Province),” in Kokusai Bunka Hyogen Kenkyu (Expressions: International Cultural Expression Studies) Vol. 12, 2016, pp. 425–436.
[14] Yoshida Masanori, Ibunka kekkon wo ikiru Nihon to Indonesia: Bunka no sesshoku/hen’yo/saisozo (Living in cross-cultural marriages in Japan and Indonesia: Cultural contact/transformation/recreation), Shinsensha, 2010, pp. 184–221.
[15] Ito 2013, p. 108.
[16] Pelly, Usman. Urbanisasi dan Adaptasi: Peranan Misi Budaya Minankabau dan Mandailing di Perkotaan. Unimed Press, 2013. pp. 70.
[17] Pelly, Usman. Urban Migration and Adaptation in Indonesia: A Case Study of Minangkabau and Mandailing Batak Migrants in Medan, North Sumatra, Ph. D. dissertation, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 1983, University Microfilms International, Ann Arbor, U.S.A, 1984. pp. 103.
[18] Suryadinata, Leo, ed. Indonesian’s Population: Ethnicity and Religion in a Changing Political Landscape, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2003. pp. 15.
[19] In addition to the results of the author’s Medan-based fieldwork, see Japanese Ministry of Health and Welfare Sumatra chiku mikikansha to meibo (Fu: Sumatra chiku zanryu hojinren meibo ( List of Sumatra District Non-Returnees (Appendix: List of Japanese Remaining in the Sumatra District)), Ministry of Health and Welfare, 1958; Cho Yohiro, Indonesia zanryu moto Nihonhei wo tazunete (Visiting former Japanese soldiers in Indonesia), Shakai Hyoronsha, 2007, etc.
[20] Honda Tadahisa, Parang to bakuyaku (Parang knives and gunpowder), Nishida Shoten, 1990, p. 250.
[21] Hagitani Boku, Boku no Daitoa Senso: Kokoro atataka na Sumatra no hito-tachi, ichi shichohei no omoide (My Pacific War: A logistics officer’s memories of the warm-hearted people of Sumatra), Kawade Shobo Shinsha, 1992, pp. 153–156.
[22] Ibid., p. 155.
[23] Hasegawa Toyoki, Sumatra muyado: Tora kenpei senkoki (Homeless in Sumatra: An MP on the run), Sobunsha, 1982, pp. 127–128.
[24] Based on the Ministry of Health and Welfare’s Sumatra chiku mikikansha to meibo (Fu: Sumatra chiku zanryu hojinren meibo ( List of Sumatra District Non-Returnees (Appendix: List of Japanese Remaining in the Sumatra District)), first-generation Japanese-Indonesians serving as Doktor Jepang can also be confirmed in Meulaboh, Aceh Province as well as Sibolga and Padang Sidempuan in North Sumatra Province between 1951 and 1958.
[25] For privacy reasons, pseudonyms are used for all the Japanese-Indonesians mentioned in this paper.
[26] Event occurring in Medan on June 2, 2010, on the way to visit Irwan, a third-generation Japanese-Indonesian.
[27] Interview with Amin, a third-generation Japanese-Indonesian, at his home in Medan on September 4, 2011.
[28] Interview with Aisyah, a second-generation Japanese-Indonesian, at her home in Medan on August 9, 2011.
[29] Cho, op. cit., p.88.
（本文は、2022年1月21日に当サイトにて公開した、伊藤雅俊 論文「オラン・ジュパンとなった日系インドネシア人一世たち―スマトラ島北スマトラ州の事例から―」の英語版です。）